by Michael Hollister
Exclusive published at Michael Hollister on July 15, 2026

4.790 words * 25 minutes readingtime

Part 1 read here:
Israel’s Digital Opinion Machine

Briefing Format for Part 2 of the In-Depth Analysis – 10 minutes readintime:
The Digital Front

The Digital Front – AI Manipulation, Fake Peace Organizations, and the $730 Million Machine

On the evening of January 07, 2026, Jessica, a mother from Alabama, received a text message on her mobile phone. “Hi, this is John from Friends for Peace. We’re collecting opinions on Israel today and would love to hear yours. Do you have a moment? Stop2End.” Jessica describes herself as America First and skeptical of the U.S.-Israel relationship. John offered a “sympathetic ear.” Over the next three days, the two exchanged messages about Israel. John promoted the pro-Israel narrative, tried to convince Jessica that the U.S.-Israeli relationship was based on “mutual benefit and shared interests,” and sent her links to YouTube videos claiming the suffering in Gaza was fabricated. The videos came from a channel called Allies for Peace, operated by Clock Tower X LLC, a Delaware-registered firm working on behalf of the State of Israel.

The problem: an organization called “Friends for Peace” does not exist. And it is unlikely that “John” was a real person. The text message came from SparkFire Technologies, an AI chatbot firm that received six million dollars from the Israeli contract through Brad Parscale’s Clock Tower X. SparkFire’s main product, the so-called “Flywheel,” uses artificial intelligence to contact Americans with personalized messages. The AI analyzes the recipient’s responses, stores the data, and adapts follow-up messages to the individual profile. The messages appear – according to screenshots obtained by The Intercept and Responsible Statecraft – empathetic, understanding, and referential. SparkFire claims the system achieves a conversion rate of 45 percent – nearly half of all contacted individuals are persuaded in the course of the conversation. The National Collegiate Honors Council, which operates a real program called “Partners in Peace” in collaboration with the Nobel Peace Center, received a flood of calls from bewildered citizens who thought they had been contacted by this organization. A representative clarified: the text message campaign had no connection whatsoever to the NCHC. A lawyer specializing in FARA, speaking to Responsible Statecraft on condition of anonymity, assessed the SMS campaign as potentially illegal: if Clock Tower X was behind the messages, a so-called “conspicuous statement” – a clear disclosure that it was an Israeli lobbying campaign – was required in the text messages themselves. “The purpose of the disclosure requirement is that the public wants to know and has the right to know who is contacting them,” the lawyer said. The most likely response from the Justice Department would be a formal clarification letter.

The AI-driven text message was the entry point. What lies behind it is a network of subcontractors, shell websites, AI manipulation, and evangelical mobilization – documented in FARA filings, contracts, and supplemental statements that are publicly available at the U.S. Department of Justice.

Brad Parscale and the Network

Brad Parscale designed Donald Trump’s 2016 digital campaign strategy, whose Facebook microtargeting is regarded as the blueprint for modern political digital campaigns. In 2020, he served as Trump’s campaign manager. Today he simultaneously holds two positions whose interaction is remarkable: Chief Strategy Officer of the conservative Christian media company Salem Media Group – and registered Foreign Agent for the State of Israel under FARA number 7649. His firm Clock Tower X LLC, registered in Medina, Ohio, is the operative node through which Israeli funds flow to a tightly interwoven network of subcontractors.

The supplemental filings published by The Intercept in May 2026 show the full money-flow architecture for the first time: of the more than $15 million Clock Tower X had received in total from the Havas Media Germany GmbH, Parscale passed $13 million on to subcontractors. The largest single sum – just under five million dollars – went to Portman Road Strategies, led by Mike Shields. Shields is no unknown: former chief of staff of the Republican National Committee, CNN commentator, and strategist for former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy. Shields and Parscale have operated as a practiced duo since the first Trump administration. Parscale regularly referred GOP campaigns – including that of Florida Governor Ron DeSantis – to Shields’ firm Convergence Media. The personnel connection is also central to the Israel contract: 14 of the 18 Clock Tower team members are employees of Shields’ Convergence Media.

Six million dollars went to SparkFire Technologies for the AI-driven SMS campaign. Over $500,000 went to Salem Media Representatives, a subsidiary of Salem Media – the company where Parscale simultaneously serves as Chief Strategy Officer. Another Parscale team member, Ashley Evdokimo, serves as Vice President for Communications at Salem and registered as a Foreign Agent for Israel in October 2025 – one month after taking her position at Salem in September 2025, the same month Parscale’s FARA registration took effect. The temporal parallelism is documented.

At the periphery of this network but intertwined with it through shared offices and job postings: Three Tech, a software firm founded in 2024 that, according to its CEO’s LinkedIn profile, works with a team of “80 Serbian engineers” and received just under $500,000 from the Israel contract. Three Tech shares office space in Medina, Ohio, with Clock Tower X and is listed as a “certified partner” of a marketing firm that also resides at the same address. And then there is Jackson Parker, a company whose Florida chapter was cofounded in early 2025 by Parscale together with Texas billionaire Tim Dunn. Jackson Parker shares the Ohio office with several Parscale companies, and a current job posting for a “Director of Strategic Communications” defines as its primary responsibility “combating antisemitism” and as a requirement compliance with the Foreign Agents Registration Act.

Tim Dunn himself warrants closer examination. The evangelical preacher and oil magnate, whom Texas Monthly describes as wanting “to turn Texas into a Christian theocracy,” is chairman of the Christian Advisory Board of the Israel Allies Foundation and one of Trump’s largest donors. Through his Hexagon Foundation, $70 million flowed in 2025 to WaterStone, a Christian foundation based in Colorado that already controlled 49.5 percent of the voting rights at Salem Media. In May 2026, WaterStone acquired the remaining shares at a premium of 250 percent over the stock price and took the company private – a move that removes Salem Media from all public accountability to shareholders. Dunn’s Hexagon Foundation, whose declared mission is the support of WaterStone, was the largest institutional funder of this acquisition. Through Hexagon Partners, Dunn also invested $7.5 million in a Parscale-adjacent firm building a “Christian-based” advertising agency with AI-powered targeting.

The picture that emerges from the documents is that of a network in which all threads cross at a few nodes: Parscale runs the Israeli campaign and is simultaneously a top executive of the media company into which the messages are integrated. Dunn finances both the acquisition of that company and Parscale’s enterprises. The funds flow from Israeli ministries through Frankfurt to Ohio and from there to firms that sit in the same office spaces and whose job postings link to each other. The money trail connects the Israeli state, the Frankfurt intermediary, the Republican digital strategist, the evangelical billionaire, and the media company that delivers conservative content to an American audience of millions. It is no coincidence that the same individuals find themselves in the same offices in Medina, Ohio. It is a business relationship built on a convergence of interests.

The Fake Infrastructure – Shell Websites and Fictitious Organizations

Clock Tower X operates at least eleven brands that distribute Israeli government narratives to the American public. Each carries a FARA disclaimer at the bottom of the page: “This material is distributed by Clock Tower X LLC on behalf of the State of Israel.” Each is designed to create the impression of an independent civil society organization.

Paxpoint presents itself as a blog highlighting “Israel’s enduring commitment to peace and coexistence.” Among the FARA information materials is a Paxpoint article claiming Israel was “wrongly slandered over a famine that never happened” – while the World Health Organization stated in August 2025, on the basis of the IPC Famine Review Committee, that over 500,000 people in Gaza were trapped in acute famine, and the IPC projected that by June 2026 roughly 132,000 children under five would suffer from acute malnutrition. FactSignal and FeedingYouFiction position themselves as fact-checking platforms – one document-based, the other using videos that frame critics of the Israeli government as propagandists. Justorium, a website posing as a legal analysis platform, published an article portraying aid organizations in Gaza as Hamas-adjacent because they had to communicate with the “Hamas-led Interior Ministry” – an operational necessity in a territory whose administrative structures have been controlled by Hamas since 2007. Cognitura purports to be a “research and education platform” examining how radical groups recruit members. Culturavia, an ostensible cultural portal, published an article accusing Tucker Carlson – cofounder of the Daily Caller and one of the most prominent conservative commentators in the United States – of “repeating narratives long used by extremist movements and authoritarian governments.” Allyvia explains to Americans why the U.S.-Israeli alliance benefits them directly. Econora and Innovascope emphasize the economic and technological partnership.

Added to these are the fictitious organizations that serve as senders of the SMS campaign: “Friends for Peace” and “Partners in Peace” – names evoking established peace initiatives and giving recipients the impression they are being contacted by a civil society organization. In one of the text chats documented by Responsible Statecraft, the campaign itself admitted upon inquiry to using “various names” for the organization. When recipients questioned the links to the websites, they were redirected to Allyvia or Allies for Peace – sites labeled as Israeli government communication at the bottom, though the average SMS recipient does not scroll that far.

That the content of this infrastructure directly contradicts verifiable facts is documented by the Daily Caller – a conservative U.S. outlet cofounded by Tucker Carlson, not typically known for coverage critical of Israel. The Daily Caller analyzed the FARA information materials in June 2026 and found: Clock Tower X used its own shell websites to defame the Daily Caller cofounder as a propagandist while simultaneously denying a famine documented by the World Health Organization. Parscale defended the content to the Washington Examiner: the FARA registration was transparent, the activities disclosed, and the use of the term “influence operation” was inappropriate.

The information architecture is not an improvised campaign. It is a systematic infrastructure – eleven brands addressing different target audiences through different thematic entry points, all funded by a foreign state, all with .org domains, all designed to create the impression of independent voices. A FARA disclaimer at the bottom of the page – required but not prominent – is the only trace to the actual principal.

The AI Front – Generative Models as Target

The original contract between Clock Tower X and the State of Israel contains a clause that goes beyond conventional public affairs. Clock Tower X is to “provide websites and content to deliver GPT framing results in GPT conversations” – a formulation referring to generative AI language models such as ChatGPT, Claude, and Gemini. The contractual objective is not merely to influence search engines but to influence the way AI systems frame political topics and answer questions.

The operative instrument is Market Brew AI, a company specializing in search engine and AI modeling in which Parscale’s firm has invested. Market Brew simulates how AI platforms process content and which information they draw upon as sources. Scott Stouffer, founder of Market Brew, told Axios: one could ensure “that one’s own information is so structured, sourced, and aligned that these systems are more likely to retrieve it.” The methodology: Parscale’s team first built a simulated AI system and tested whether it picked up content from their own websites. The finding: AI platforms favor information that is based on verifiable sources, written in a factual tone, and logically structured. The shell websites were designed accordingly – not as recognizable propaganda but as informative-seeming pages that match the selection criteria of AI systems.

The contract stipulates the production of at least 100 so-called “Root Creative Assets” per month – videos, graphics, texts, and audio content – as well as 5,000 monthly variants of these contents distributed across various platforms. The monthly impressions target is 50 million. The logic: if enough pro-Israel websites with sufficient authority and thematic breadth exist, AI language models will pick up this content as sources and integrate it into their answers – without the end user recognizing that the information was produced by a contractor of a foreign state.

Haaretz described the process in November 2025 as the “first known publicly documented case of a state attempting to influence discourse through generative AI systems” – a characterization adopted by The New Region, the Palestinian News Network, and Drop Site News. Internal documents obtained by Haaretz further show that AI was defined as a “core tool” within the “Voices for Israel” project – a government-affiliated organization operated by the Diaspora Ministry. An earlier project called “Project Max” envisioned a “Technological War Room” with AI, big data, and “dissemination and disruption capabilities” for mass “perception operations.”

Whether the strategy works is another question. When the Washington Examiner tested in March 2026 whether ChatGPT, Google Gemini, or Claude cited content from Clock Tower X websites as sources, the result was negative – none of the systems cited the websites. Parscale nonetheless confirmed to the Washington Examiner “on the record” that he uses front websites to manipulate search results and AI chatbots. He defended the practice: ensuring “that accurate information is represented in search and AI systems” was “ethical and critical.” Anthropic, the maker of Claude, told the Washington Examiner it regularly reviews cases where users are presented with content from low-quality sources and works to reduce the likelihood of such incidents.

From the Israeli government’s perspective, AI influence is not manipulation but a counterstrategy. The Israeli leadership views the information landscape as systemically hostile – shaped by content that portrays Israel negatively and that AI systems disproportionately draw upon as sources. The intention to correct this imbalance is, from this perspective, a defensive measure. What must be noted: the strategy’s effectiveness is currently not proven. The contractual objective, the infrastructure, and the intent are. And the intent goes beyond a single contract: Haaretz reported that earlier Israeli attempts to deploy AI bots for pro-Israel messaging failed due to technical glitches – a bot named FactFinderAI, intended to spread pro-Israel narratives on X, instead began describing Israeli soldiers as “white colonizers in Apartheid Israel” and directing followers to Palestinian donation organizations. The current efforts, Haaretz reported, reflected a “significantly more sophisticated digital propaganda strategy” integrating AI tools, influencers, and sponsored media campaigns.

Salem Media and the Evangelical Machine

Salem Media Group operates over 100 radio stations in the United States, along with the digital platforms Townhall.com, RedState, and PJ Media. Among the hosts and commentators broadcasting through the Salem network are Hugh Hewitt, Larry Elder, Scott Jennings, and Dinesh D’Souza. Salem also carries the podcast “The Right View with Lara Trump.” The contract between Clock Tower X and the State of Israel stipulates the “integration of narrative messaging into Salem Media Network Properties” as a contractual deliverable – a formulation that appears in the FARA filings.

The dual role of Brad Parscale – Chief Strategy Officer of a media company and simultaneously a registered Foreign Agent for a foreign state whose contract stipulates the integration of messages into that very media company – raises a legal question. 22 USC 614(b) prohibits registered Foreign Agents from disseminating informational materials via interstate commerce or postal channels without including a clear disclosure that the material is being distributed on behalf of a foreign state. Americans for Non-Profit Transparency (AFNPT), an independent research platform that has compiled a complete investigative timeline of the Israel-FARA contracts, could not identify any public communication from Salem Media containing such a Foreign Agent disclosure in connection with Parscale’s FARA registration. AFNPT notes: the absence of such a disclosure – insofar as content influenced by Parscale’s Foreign Agent role is distributed through Salem’s network – constitutes a potential violation of 22 USC 614(b) and warrants an investigation by the Justice Department’s National Security Division.

In parallel ran a second campaign directed specifically at evangelical Christians. Show Faith by Works LLC, a firm founded in San Diego in September 2025, registered under FARA number 7653 as a Foreign Agent for Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The contract, routed through the same Frankfurt hub – the Havas Media Germany GmbH – provided for a base budget of $3.2 million, with an extension budget of $835,000 for expansion to Texas, Utah, and Wyoming. The official wording in the FARA filing reads: they would “geofence the actual boundaries of every large church in California, Arizona, Nevada, and Colorado, as well as all Christian colleges during service hours” and then “track visitors and continue to serve them advertising.” Show Faith by Works described the campaign itself as “the largest geofencing and Christian targeting campaign in the history of the USA.” The target audience: 3.9 million Christians in 303 megachurches and six Christian colleges, including Grand Canyon University and Arizona Christian University. Registrant Chad Schnitger, who simultaneously heads the California section of Ralph Reed’s Faith and Freedom Coalition, additionally planned the recruitment of megachurch pastors such as Mark Driscoll, Rick Warren, and Greg Laurie and the payment of stipends to pastors who produce content based on Israeli guidelines.

Geofencing is a technology that draws an invisible digital fence around a real location. Every mobile phone or smart device that crosses this fence – in this case a church on a Sunday morning or a Christian college during class time – is identified via advertising networks and data brokers. The operation then sends targeted advertising messages to each captured device: in Google searches, on social media platforms, and in apps. The behavioral data – what the recipient clicks, how long they watch, whether they swipe the ad away – flow back into the campaign to refine the targeting for the next round. Megan Iorio, Senior Counsel at the Electronic Privacy Information Center, called the practice a “privacy nightmare.” Schnitger himself pointed out that geofencing was a common marketing tool and did not pass data back to a foreign actor.

The pushback came from the churches themselves. Micah, an engineer from Colorado Springs, warned in a circular to local pastors and newspapers: “What immediately stands out is how the entire document speaks about Christians as targets to be manipulated. This is not respectful outreach – this is the language of war.” Timothy Feldman, a software engineer from Plano, Texas, was disturbed to find his own church on the target list. In November 2025, Schnitger walked back his position to Christianity Today: he regretted the wording in the FARA filing and was now focusing on “grassroots educational work” rather than geofencing. Whether the reformulation reflects the operational reality or whether the digital tracking infrastructure remains active is not apparent from the public documents.

The Esther Project, routed through Bridges Partners LLC under FARA number 7652, completes the evangelical campaign: 14 to 18 social media influencers, funded at up to $7,000 per post, budget $900,000. The campaign triggered its own dynamic – pro-Palestinian activists began silently posting the number “$7,000” under suspicious pro-Israel posts.

The Escalation – From $7.5 Million to $730 Million

The amounts appearing in these contracts are fragments of a larger picture. Before October 07, 2023, Israel’s total hasbara budget stood at roughly $7.5 million annually. In 2025, the Knesset approved $150 million – twenty times more. In March 2026, the Knesset approved $730 million for public diplomacy as part of the national budget – nearly one hundred times the pre-war level and close to five times the previous year’s budget.

Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar articulated the logic in December 2025, during the budget negotiations: “We had a big breakthrough this year, but we need to invest much, much more as a country. This should be like investments in jets, bombs, and missile interceptors. Given what is arrayed against us and what is being invested against us, it is by far not enough. This is an existential question.” Sa’ar simultaneously pushed through the creation of a dedicated public diplomacy unit within the Foreign Ministry, led by a director at the rank of the political director – a structural consolidation intended to end years of fragmentation of hasbara work across rival ministries.

Where part of the 2025 budget went is shown by public filings and Knesset reports: $50 million for international social media advertising, split across Google, YouTube, X, and Outbrain. $40 million for the invitation of 400 foreign delegations – parliamentarians, pastors, influencers, university presidents. Plus a “Media War Room” monitoring 250 media outlets and evaluating 10,000 Israel-related posts daily for response preparation.

From the Israeli government’s perspective, the expenditures are a response to a measurable, accelerating image loss with real strategic consequences. The Pew survey of March 2026, conducted between March 23 and 29 among 3,507 U.S. adults, documents the scale: 60 percent of Americans view Israel negatively – an increase of seven percentage points in one year and roughly twenty points since 2022. The share holding a “very negative” view has nearly tripled since 2022 to 28 percent. Most notable from an Israeli strategic perspective: 57 percent of Republicans under 50 – the core target demographic of evangelical mobilization – view Israel negatively. 80 percent of Democrats likewise.

In Hebrew usage, the word “hasbara” – literally “explanation” – has long become a pejorative shorthand for pro-Israel influence work, a sign of how far awareness of Israel’s efforts has penetrated American public consciousness. Congress increasingly reflects the shift in sentiment. In April 2026, 40 of 47 Democratic senators voted against a $295 million deal for Caterpillar bulldozers to Israel, 36 against a sale of 1,000-lb bombs – the strongest Congressional pushback against U.S. military aid to Israel in the history of the alliance.

The paradox is documented: budgets rise, approval falls. Joanna Landau, founder and CEO of Vibe Israel, called the 2026 allocation a “long overdue course correction” but warned that structural deficits would swallow the money. “Israel’s narrative has no single strategic owner,” she wrote, pointing out that responsibility for public affairs was scattered across the Foreign Ministry, the Prime Minister’s Office, the Diaspora Ministry, the Government Press Office, and the IDF. The bulk of the new funds flows, according to government announcements, into “tactical activities” – “the same tools Israel has relied on for years, only now with many more zeros.” Landau’s conclusion: “A big budget pouring into a broken system produces scale, not strategy.”

Strategic Conclusion

The operation is legal. That is not a comfort – it is the actual finding. The Foreign Agents Registration Act requires transparency, not restriction. Registration is the license, not the brake. Clock Tower X is registered. Bridges Partners is registered. Show Faith by Works is registered. The contracts are public, the money flows documented, the FARA disclaimers sit at the bottom of the websites. The law is satisfied.

What the law licenses is the following: a foreign government commissions, through a Frankfurt-based GmbH, a network of U.S. firms to create fictitious peace organizations whose AI chatbots contact American citizens and persuade them at a conversion rate of 45 percent. The same structure produces eleven shell websites that deny the famine in Gaza and are designed to manipulate the outputs of AI language models that hundreds of millions of people use as an information source. It captures the mobile phones of churchgoers via geofencing and targets them with tailored advertising. It pays influencers for pro-Israel posts and integrates the messages of a foreign state into an American media network whose Chief Strategy Officer is simultaneously registered as a Foreign Agent.

All of this occurs within the legal framework. And that is precisely the question that presents itself – not to Israel, which is operating within the law, and not to the companies involved, which are fulfilling their contractual obligations. It presents itself to the societies that are the target of these operations: whether the legal framework that licenses foreign influence operations is still adequate for the technological toolkit it licenses. FARA was enacted in 1938 in response to National Socialist propaganda. It envisioned pamphlets and radio broadcasts. Not AI-driven chatbots masquerading as peace organizations and boasting a conversion rate that exceeds any commercial marketing campaign. Not the systematic manipulation of generative language models that hundreds of millions of people use as an information source. Not the digital tracking of churchgoers via their mobile phones in order to subsequently target them with the messages of a foreign state. The law requires a disclaimer at the bottom of a web page. The technology ensures no one scrolls that far.

The Frankfurt-based GmbH that enables this infrastructure and the German silence that accompanies it are – as documented in Part 1 of this series – part of the same architecture. The instruments exist, the contracts are public, the money flows. The only question no one is asking is whether it should stay that way.

About the Author

Michael Hollister
is a geopolitical analyst and investigative journalist. He served six years in the German military, including peacekeeping deployments in the Balkans (SFOR, KFOR), followed by 14 years in IT security management. His analysis draws on primary sources to examine European militarization, Western intervention policy, and shifting power dynamics across Asia. A particular focus of his work lies in Southeast Asia, where he investigates strategic dependencies, spheres of influence, and security architectures. Hollister combines operational insider perspective with uncompromising systemic critique – beyond opinion journalism. His work appears on his bilingual website (German/English) www.michael-hollister.com and in investigative outlets across the German-speaking world and the Anglosphere.

If you regularly read my updates and analyses, I would be grateful for your ongoing support.

Sources

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24. Texas Monthly – Meet Tim Dunn, the Billionaire Who Wants to Turn Texas Into a Christian Theocracy, January 14, 2025: https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/billionaire-tim-dunn-runs-texas/
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© Michael Hollister – All rights reserved. Redistribution, publication or reuse of this text requires express written permission from the author. For licensing inquiries, please contact the author via www.michael-hollister.com.